Did Vikings kill the native
population of
Orkney and Shetland
The Peace School II: Archaeology
Let’s return to Iain Crawford.
Most of his wrath in 1977 was directed at Anna Ritchie, who had
just excavated a site at Buckquoy in Orkney. Her work gave an enormous
fillip to the Peace School. [31]
Ritchie found an impressive Pictish settlement
at Buckquoy, and by excavating it began to revolutionise our knowledge
of the period. She also thought that she had found the first Norse
house on the site, and she noted with interest that it was full
of Pictish artefacts: [32] so full, in fact, that
the Norse immigrants had apparently failed to produce any of their
own. Ritchie could only imagine one explanation for this state
of affairs. The use of native artefacts, she argued, ‘implies a
close relationship with local native inhabitants.’
Crawford was scornful
about this interpretation. He pointed out, correctly, that there
could be other reasons for the situation that Ritchie had uncovered:
disturbance on the site, for instance, or acquisition of spoil by
the newcomers. [33] But Ritchie didn’t take this possibility on board. Over
the years her exposition of the Buckquoy material became more and
more confident. In 1983, for instance, she said that the native
artefacts in the Norse house proved ‘that the native Picts were
not only still alive but engaged in some form of active social interchange
with the Norsemen’. [34]
Common sense tells us that they prove no such thing.
I shall return to Ritchie’s
Buckquoy material later, but I want to look for a moment at the
implications of her analysis. They are far from clear. In various
papers she argues that there must have been something called ‘integration’
or ‘social integration’ between the Pictish and Norse settlers on
the site. [35] That is a strange designation
to use. ‘Integration’, according to the Oxford English Dictionary,
is ‘[t]he bringing into equal membership of a common society those
groups or persons previously discriminated against on racial or
cultural grounds’. Even the most active member of the Peace School
wouldn’t contend that that happened to the Picts of Orkney and Shetland
in the ninth century. So what did happen? In Ritchie’s preliminary
paper of 1974 she envisages a ‘relatively peaceful process of Norse
colonisation rather than a military conquest’, something like the
scenario that Brøgger had written about in 1929. She admits that
a reduction of the natives to servitude is ‘certainly a possibility,
but one which can never be proved’. [36] But she doesn’t outline a
clear alternative scenario. [37]
As the years passed,
Ritchie claimed that other excavations in Orkney were confirming
her analysis. ‘[A]ll the excavations that have taken place since
Buckquoy’, she said in 1993, ‘have told the same story: so much
blending of Norse and native culture that it is impossible to envisage
a situation in which the Norsemen either killed or enslaved the
entire population.’ [38]
Despite careful enquiry I have found as little trace of the putative
‘blending’ at other sites as we found at Buckquoy. Presumably the
sites that Ritchie has in mind are those at the Brough of Birsay,
next door to Buckquoy, and at Pool in Sanday. Mrs Curle did find
a few Pictish pins in Norse contexts at the Brough, [39] and hazarded a guess
that the Norse settlers there might have a Pictish source for them,
but she didn’t labour the point. In the 1980s John Hunter found
‘[s]everal pottery fragments … in stratified Norse deposits’ there,
‘including hearths’, and speculated that they ‘might testify to
a continuing native presence throughout the Norse period’. [40]
But the objection to Curle’s and Hunter’s speculations is the same
as the objection to Ritchie’s: the survival of native artefacts
doesn’t prove that the natives themselves survived.
The evidence from Pool
is even more slender. The best account of that aspect of the excavation
available to date is in an essay of 1997 by Hunter. [41]
At Pool, he says, ‘a similar degree of assimilation to that estimated
for Birsay has been observed on the basis of structural continuity
and the persistence of native pottery’. On further examination
we learn that the population at Pool had contracted before the Norse
arrival, and that when the new arrivals made their home there they
introduced a reinvigorated and more intense scheme of agriculture.
There is nothing in Hunter’s material that hints at any relationship
between the old inhabitants and the new, apart from the persistence
of native pottery that we have now come to expect. [42]
Writing about Birsay
in 1996 Chris Morris admitted that there were ‘two possible interpretations’
of that persistence. One was Ritchie’s theory of amiable integration;
the other was ‘disturbance of Pictish layers in the Norse period,
leaving residual early material in the later deposits’. [43]
Until we have a fragment of evidence that the settlers and the natives
fraternised with each other, other than that the second lot used
artefacts belonging to the first lot, I am inclined to favour the
second of Morris’s alternatives. I am more inclined to do so because
the alleged evidence from Buckquoy itself is showing signs of unravelling.
In their recent book about Viking archaeology in Scotland, James
Graham-Campbell and Colleen Batey have hinted that Ritchie’s Viking
house full of Pictish artefacts may not be a Viking house at all. [44]
Ritchie has said that
‘archaeology provides the only hope of reaching any understanding
of the race relations between Pict and Norseman’. [45] This is a brave claim, but, as we’ve seen, it isn’t realistic.
Remember that the first Norse house in Scotland wasn’t discovered
until the 1930s—at Jarlshof in Shetland [46] —and that we have few enough of them still. If we are even
to speculate about those ‘race relations’ we must consider more
than archaeological evidence. That’s what Raymond Lamb set out
to do about 15 years ago. In a series of articles Lamb has put
together a theory about what happened in Orkney and Shetland in
the ninth century which deserves our attention. [47] His starting-off point was what Stevenson
had said about Shetland and Orkney sculpture, and he referred to
the archaeological material as well; but his main ideas concern
historical events in northern Europe.
Lamb’s proposal is that,
far from being a cultural backwater, Pictish Orkney had extremely
sophisticated institutions, both ecclesiastical and secular. During
archaeological field-work, especially in the North Isles of Orkney,
he spotted a number of ancient churches with dedications to St Peter,
some of them closely associated with brochs. He concluded that
these churches were planted in Orkney by Pictish missionaries of
the eighth century, under the direction of the influential monk
Egbert, and that in due course they established a bishopric in Papa
Westray, as part of a plan to evangelise nearby Shetland.
What happened to these
institutions when the Norse settlers arrived in the islands? I
quote:
[48]
Facing this new force, and failing to organise
successful resistance, the Pictish aristocracy in Orkney must
have lost status. The key development leading to full Norse settlement
would be the displacement of the Pictish aristocracy by Viking
war-leaders and their war-crews. This would probably take place,
at least in the initial stages, with some diplomatic concession
towards the authority of the Pictish administration—the formal
granting of an estate to a war-captain, confirming him in the
possession of what otherwise he might have taken by force, in
return for his oath of allegiance and his enlistment to repel
subsequent raiders.
In other words, Orkney
passed swiftly from being an orderly Pictish society, via ‘diplomatic
concessions’, ‘the formal granting of estates’, and ‘oaths of allegiance’,
to being a fairly orderly Norse one. There was no violence, or
at least not much, during Lamb’s transition. In particular, the
Pictish church remained unscathed, still in the hands of Pictish
ecclesiastics.
The interesting thing
about Lamb’s elegant thesis is that there isn’t any evidence for
it. He frequently uses the words ‘must have’ and ‘would have’,
characteristic phrases of the biographer who doesn’t know and can’t
know enough about his subject’s life. It won’t do. The existence
of churches dedicated to St Peter, or St Boniface, in medieval Orkney
(or even later) can’t be deployed as evidence that the dedications
were bestowed in the eighth century. It’s like arguing that the
church on St Ninian’s Isle was dedicated to St Ninian in Pictish
times. [49]
To go on to link Orkney churches to Egbert of Iona, on the grounds
that Egbert inspired a mission to the Continent, is even bolder.
The proposition that there was a Pictish bishop in Papa Westray
in the ninth century is based on the most tenuous of tenuous evidence. [50]
And what evidence is there that immigrant Scandinavians in Orkney
entered into contracts, diplomatic or legal, with Pictish aristocrats?
None. [51]
The Pictish church clearly
had some presence in Orkney in the eighth century, and Raymond Lamb
deserves praise for making us think about it. His failure is in
imagining that at that time Orkney and Shetland were more sophisticated
societies than they could possibly have been. Vikings certainly
made agreements with and extorted tribute from aristocrats in prosperous
and densely populated countries. [52] But Shetland and Orkney by definition were not and have never
been societies of that kind. [53]
What Lamb doesn’t ask,
and what no member of the Peace School ever asks is: why should
we imagine that Vikings in Orkney and Shetland regarded ecclesiastics
and their property differently from churches and churchmen elsewhere?
Elsewhere, as we know from record sources, Vikings slaughtered priests
and pillaged churches. As Edward Cowan has remarked, they used
churches as ‘drive-in banks’. [54] But the Peace Scholars expect us to believe
that Vikings in the Northern Isles ‘respected’ the Pictish clergy, [55]
and permitted them to enjoy their estates throughout the ninth century. [56]
David Dumville has
made some caustic remarks about the Sawyer school of Viking rehabilitation.
These remarks strike me as appropriate when I read the productions
of the Shetland and Orkney Peace School. ‘I observe among my academic
colleagues’, Dumville says, [57]
a profound disinclination to admit the
extent of violence involved in many aspects of mediaeval life
and in many turns of mediaeval history. In this, historians
and archaeologists may reflect the attitudes of the social groups
from which they are drawn. This disinclination may become absolute
refusal when those whom one identifies as one’s ancestors were
involved.
If you want a glimpse
of the kinds of violence committed by Vikings in Scotland and Ireland,
based on documentary records, you should consult Dumville’s work;
but don’t do so if you are queasy. What Dumville is implying is
that archaeologists and historians view the world from the vantage
point of the study, the university library or the archaeological
excavation. Violence and genocide seem to be a million miles away
from such sanctuaries. But they happen.
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